Protest Movements in Thailand: The Assembly of the Poor

It has been quiet in Thailand's public space for a number of years, so that pensioners, expats and tourists can fully enjoy the beautiful country. That was not so long ago when movements from three sides of the political spectrum, red, yellow and green, caused a lot of unrest, although it mainly took place in a small but rich and important part of Bangkok. This story tells of a more grass-root socio-economic movement, The Assembly of the Poor.

The Assembly of the Poor

The Assembly of the Poor, hereinafter referred to as AOP, is a broad movement that wants to defend the interests of all the poor, but especially the inhabitants of the countryside who are pushed aside by economic developments that do not take into account with their living situation. The meeting was set up during a meeting at Thammasaat University in 1995 where forces were joined to fight for the conservation of natural resources: water, land, forest, fisheries and against mining to ensure the livelihood of the local people.

The reason for this movement was the protests against the construction of the Pak Mun Dam. (note 1). This dam was built by the state-owned electricity company Egat (with help from the World Bank) to generate electricity and was opened in 1994. The expected capacity of 136 MW was nowhere near achieved. The expected possibilities for irrigation also remained unfulfilled.

In addition, the fishing industry, which was very important for the livelihood of the villagers in that area, suffered serious damage. Fifty of the two hundred and fifty species of fish disappeared and the fish catch fell by 60 to sometimes 100 percent. Changes in water management also resulted in the loss of large areas of land and forest. At least 25.000 villagers lost a large part of their livelihood. In 1995 they received a one-off compensation of 90.000 baht. The environmental assessments prior to the construction of the dam have largely underestimated the harmful effects. This also applies, for example, to Rasi Salai dam in Sisaket, which was built on a layer of salt and poisoned many rice fields. That dam is no longer in operation.

Thailand also has a long history of uprisings and protests, mainly in the North and Northeast and led by farmers. An example is the Peasant Federation of Thailand movement and can be found here: www.thailandblog.nl/historie/boerenopstand-chiang-mai/

The first protests

Protests began during the dam's planning stages in 1990 but intensified after the dam's opening in 1994, reaching a peak in 2000-2001 when it became increasingly clear how much damage the dam was doing to the environment and authorities refused to go to those affected to listen. The protesters demanded the opening of the dam throughout the year, a stop to more dams and reasonable compensation for losses suffered.

Their main grievance was that the rural people paid the price for an export-oriented and state-promoted industrialization.

The initial protests took place at the dam itself where a village was built. The purpose of demonstrations is, of course, always to publicize the problems and the proposed solutions and try to realize them. Arousing sympathy is a prerequisite and the media play a major role in this. That worked pretty well until the economic crisis of 1997, when attention shifted to the major problems at the time: an almost 20 percent decline in the economy and rising unemployment. The media also suffered and lost interest in these protests. Unlike the previous Prime Minister Chavalit, the new government of Chuan Leekpai (November 1997) developed an openly hostile attitude towards the AOP. The government accused the movement of being provocative, ill-intentioned and running with the help of 'foreign' NGOs, damaging Thailand's image and scaling back concessions made by the previous government.

The AOP understood that a demonstration without media attention was a letdown and decided to campaign in Bangkok.

The April-August 2000 Bangkok demonstrations

The AOP had meanwhile grown into a much broader movement than the one against the Pak Mun Dam alone. They now also represented issues other than dam such as land and forest groups, workplace health issues, fishing and slum communities in Bangkok.

The protesters pitched tents at the government building, Government House, and stormed and occupied the house for some time. That happened on July 16. 224 villagers were arrested, detained and charged with illegal entry. One of the movement's leaders, Wanida Tantiwithayaphithak, stated that this was the only way to put pressure on the government. "We had to take the risk," she said. The press and XNUMX Thai scientists condemned the state's violence. Despite this, the villagers were often angry with the press and their reporters, accusing them of one-sided reporting.

The Thai media about these protests

The Thai media focuses heavily on events in Bangkok. In all provinces there are reporters from the main newspapers, and certainly from the Thai-language ones, but they complain that they are not covered enough, although there has been a change in recent years.

It was now possible to activate the press. Khaosod and the Bangkok Post wrote positive stories. The front page of the BP showed a large catfish and wrote that the villagers were praying for this fish to return. Phuchatkaan, a business magazine, was less sympathetic and condemned the demonstrations. Some other papers pushed the protests to the back pages. The electricity company Egat published an advertisement disguised as a news article to defend its policy. Prime Minister Chuan dispatched police to the demonstrators. Civil servants also made their voices heard, such as the governor of Ubon Ratchathani, Siwa Saengmani, who said in May 2000:

“We will do our legal duty but I will not say how… What happened is not according to the law… Officials cannot stand idly by. Violence will not come from authority but from the behavior of the demonstrators.”

The media is a double-edged sword because it also shows violence on the part of the demonstrators. The demonstrators were aware of this, but felt they had no choice.

However, on July 25, a government decision was made that met some of the protesters' demands. Three dam projects were suspended, the Pak Mun Dam was to be opened four months a year to restore fish stocks, and land rights research was to be conducted. More compensation for the people who suffered damage was rejected.

On August 17, there was a closing forum for all stakeholders at Thammasaat University which was broadcast live.

In February 2001 Thaksin Shinawatra took over the government baton. His first act was a lunch with the Pak Mun protesters to show his involvement with the grievances of the poor. After more promises from his government, the AOP protests were then ended. However, it was not until 2003 that the Egat opened the floodgates of the Pak Mun Dam for 4 months a year. All politicians are good at making promises.

Recent protests

A week ago, a few hundred residents of the Thepha district of Sonkhla province protested against a planned coal-fired power station during a cabinet meeting in the South. The police stopped them, arrested 16 people who were released on bail after several days, and issued another 20 arrest warrants.

www.khaosodenglish.com/politics/2017/11/29/jailed-thai-coal-protesters-cant-afford-bail/

Conclusion

The rapid industrialization of Thailand in recent decades, in addition to the economic benefits, has had a significant negative impact on the lives of the rural population in particular. Their interests were hardly taken into account. The political system did not listen to them.

Prolonged demonstrations in the heart of the country, sometimes violent, but without injuries or deaths, were necessary to shake up both public opinion and the state. That was their only way to some concession.

The press was a necessary ally, but sometimes failed to do so. The right to demonstrate is a very important condition for the state to understand, recognize and act on the interests of the population.

Note

1 The Pak Mun Dam (pronounced pàak moe:n) is located in the mouth of the Mun River, five kilometers from the Mekhong River in Ubon Ratchathani Province

Rungrawee Chalermsripinyorat, Politics of Representation, A Case Study of Thailand's Assembly of the Poor, Critical Asian Studies, 36:4 (2004), 541-566

Bruce D. Missingham, The Assembly of the Poor in Thailand, from local struggles to national protest movement, Silkworm Books, 2003

An article in the Bangkok Post (2014) about Sompong Wiengjun's struggle against the Pak Mun Dam: www.bangkokpost.com/print/402566/

Previously published on TrefpuntAzie